The women in Darfur are not a collateral damage

On October 26, 2025, after the army withdrew from the city of El-Fasher, which the Commander-in-Chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, said had been subjected to systematic destruction, the city fell under the control of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The next morning, October 27, the RSF broadcast images and videos of its fighters executing civilians in the center of the city. The RSF and allied militias perpetrated an ethnic massacre against unarmed civilians, an atrocity witnessed by the entire world. According to Yale University, the blood on the sand was so extensive that it was captured by satellite imagery.

One of the photos posted by the RSF on Facebook showed the body of former Sudanese MP and civil activist Siham Hassan Hasaballah, who had been elected in 2016 as the youngest member of parliament, representing the Justice and Liberation Party. Born in North Darfur, Siham graduated from the Faculty of Education at Zalingei University in 2006 with a degree in Physics. Throughout the 500-day siege of El-Fasher, she volunteered in community kitchens (takaya) offering assistance to the besieged population.

In an interview with Sudan24, Salma Ishaq, Minister of State at the Ministry of Social Development and Security, stated that women “were subjected to sexual assaults, violence, and torture in El-Fasher,” adding that the RSF killed 300 women during the first two days of its entry into the city.

The conflict in Darfur began in February 2003 when the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) attacked the Sudanese government in El-Fasher, North Darfur. According to the two movements, the rebellion was driven by the marginalization of the region by the regime.

That was the moment the world came to know Darfur, through the ethnic cleansing inflicted upon its people. The government of President Omar al-Bashir launched a brutal crackdown in the region, mirroring earlier campaigns in South Sudan and the Nuba Mountains. It mobilized the Defense Forces and armed the Janjaweed militias, now known as the RSF, against African tribes.

Sexual violence has been used to pressure and humiliate communities. It is not only a military tactic but also reflects a patriarchal mindset that treats women’s bodies as the property of the family, tribe, or state — so targeting them becomes a way to target the group itself

Women were not collateral damage in the Darfur conflict, they were at the very center of it. Systematic and mass rapes were committed against them as part of the military doctrine. A 2005 Médecins Sans Frontières report stated that between October 2004 and February 2005, it treated around 500 women who had been raped — some gang-raped, others repeatedly. The report noted that documented cases represented only a fraction of the reality, as many women remained silent for fear of stigma.

In 2014, the Sudanese army was reported to have carried out mass rapes of 200 women, including girls aged 8 to 17, in the town of Tabit, North Darfur, as collective punishment for alleged rebel support.

Sexual violence has been used to pressure and humiliate communities. It is not only a military tactic but also reflects a patriarchal mindset that treats women’s bodies as the property of the family, tribe, or state — so targeting them becomes a way to target the group itself.

Under the Geneva Conventions, such violence constitutes a crime against humanity and a war crime. It is also recognized as an element of genocide when committed with an intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a targeted group — precisely what happened in Darfur since 2003.

In El-Fasher, history repeats itself

Iman Saif al-Din, a researcher in social sciences and human rights advocate specializing in women’s protection during armed conflict, told Geeska that El-Fasher is experiencing catastrophic humanitarian and legal conditions, especially for women. After the RSF committed a massacre that turned the city into a pool of blood, civilians were killed inside their homes, in residential neighborhoods, and inside the Saudi Maternity Hospital — the last functioning medical facility — where women and all other patients were slaughtered. This constitutes a war crime.

Iman added that insufficient attention has been given to the widespread rape and targeted killing of women in El-Fasher, where women and girls are now victims of systematic violations amid the near-total collapse of state institutions and absence of legal and humanitarian protection.

The spokesperson for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Saf Magango, reported that humanitarian partners documented at least 25 cases of gang rape after RSF forces entered a displacement camp near the University of El-Fasher. “Eyewitnesses confirm that RSF members selected women and girls and raped them at gunpoint,” he said.

Furthermore, a report by Al-Siha on November 3 stated that survivors who reached the Tawila camp confirmed that the RSF took girls to unknown locations, and some women were killed like other civilians. And according to one survivor The perpetrators “don’t distinguish between a child, woman, and elderly….”

The exact number of women subjected to violations remains unknown. Médecins Sans Frontières, the primary body dealing with such cases, has not released data. a volunteer in the Tawila Emergency Room told Geeska that they had confirmed reports of a six-year-old girl who was raped during the recent events in El-Fasher. There are also cases of sexual assault and kidnapping as women flee the city “My cousin has been missing since August 2025 after the events at the Zamzam camp, we’ve searched everywhere.” She added.

It is impossible to discuss crimes without discussing accountability. Crimes committed during conflicts often face slow and difficult paths to justice. Most are committed by states against their citizens or by militias against civilians, and the international community struggles to hold perpetrators accountable.

On October 6, the International Criminal Court delivered its verdict against Ali Kushayb, one of the Janjaweed leaders accused of committing atrocities in 2003–2004. He surrendered to the ICC in 2020 shortly after Bashir’s fall, after 12 years on the run. According to the United Nations, his prosecution represents a historic milestone, as he was convicted of gender-based persecution.

According to Iman Saif al-Din, justice institutions remain extremely weak, particularly in areas outside government control. Although a Unit for Combating Violence Against Women exists, its ability to intervene is severely limited in the absence of security. Internationally, the ICC has jurisdiction over Darfur due to the 2005 Security Council referral, and in November 2025 it began investigating crimes committed in El-Fasher, including mass rape and ethnic cleansing.

Reports indicate that these new violations may be added to the Darfur case file opened in 2005, strengthening prospects for accountability. Documented evidence has been submitted to the ICC and the War Crimes Unit in London, detailing RSF crimes since April 2023. This development reflects growing international seriousness and brings a glimmer of hope for Sudanese women, despite the political and legal obstacles.

Marginalizing women’s issues in wartime is only a continuation of marginalizing them in times of peace.

However, Iman added, despite the existence of an international legal framework meant to protect women and civilian — such as the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute — practical implementation remains weak. Failures include lack of political will, absence of enforcement mechanisms, and repeated impunity, especially when perpetrators are state-backed armed groups, as in the case of the RSF or in the continued failure to hand over Bashir and other wanted officials.

Humanitarian responses are often insufficient or insensitive to women’s needs, increasing their vulnerability. In Sudan, despite the Darfur situation being referred to the ICC in 2005, violations continue without real accountability, revealing a wide gap between legal provisions and reality on the ground. Therefore, protecting women requires not only laws but political will, effective enforcement mechanisms, and strong cooperation between civil society and international actors to prevent repeated violations and punish perpetrators.

In her final remarks, the volunteer in the Tawila Emergency Room said: “Our message to the world is that we, the women of Darfur, have lived through the worst humanitarian crisis the world has ever seen. Darfuri women live a silent pain that is never shown in the news. This is the greatest injustice I feel as a Darfuri girl. We demand combating violence against women and children, strengthening the justice system, and holding perpetrators accountable —especially those committing crimes against women in Sudan and particularly in Darfur. We want real protection, not promises, and a peace that guarantees dignity and safety. As for the international community, I have no message for them. They see what is happening in Darfur.”

What is happening to women in Sudan, and especially in Darfur during this war, should not be treated as a side note or marginal news item. Marginalizing women’s issues in wartime is only a continuation of marginalizing them in times of peace. The absence of strong, clear laws criminalizing systematic violence against women has enabled their exploitation in war: treated as victims, spoils of war, sexually abused, and trafficked for inhumane purposes.

The plight of Darfuri women and unarmed civilians will remain a stain on Sudanese, African, and international justice unless all perpetrators are held accountable, and a stain on political leaders unless the crisis is fundamentally resolved.