The turbulent career of Getachew Reda

In the aftermath of one of Ethiopia’s most devastating conflicts, few figures have commanded as much attention—or controversy—as Getachew Reda. Once a quiet academic immersed in philosophy and law, he emerged as the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)’s eloquent face during a war that reshaped the Horn of Africa. He was the one sent out to address national and international media, explaining what his organisation was doing.  

From his early days debating Marxist theory in Mekelle University classrooms to leading the Tigray Interim Administration amid hunger, displacement, and fragmentation—and ultimately splitting from the TPLF—Getachew’s trajectory has mirrored the turbulence of the region he seeks to guide. 

Getachew was born in June 1974, at a critical juncture in Ethiopia’s turbulent history, on the eve of the country’s military coup. By 1990, at 16-years-old, he was already making a name for himself in his hometown of Alamata, then part of Wollo Province (now Southern Tigray). Known among classmates and teachers as a voracious reader and top student—so much so that he leapt two grade levels in a single year—Getachew’s natural leadership soon drew the attention of the incoming Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). 

From his earliest days, Getachew Reda Kahsay distinguished himself as an avid learner. While he joined neighbourhood games and classroom lessons like any other child, his older brother recalls him disappearing into the pages of his favourite books for hours. 

As EPRDF cadres swept into Alamata, they organised public seminars to reassure civilians and explain the movement’s objectives. Yet local officials grew uneasy when they discovered that a group of young people, led by this charismatic teenager, were holding unsanctioned meetings to debate current events. At one gathering, an official challenged the crowd: “Who is this Getachew?” A voice from the back stood up, applauded by the assembled youth, and declared: “He’s brilliant in school, and we follow him.” It was Getachew himself who then spoke—carefully balancing candour and caution—so as not to be labelled a dissident by the very forces claiming to bring peace. From that moment on, the once-quiet bookworm would be watched as closely as the nation’s fragile transition. 

From his earliest days, Getachew Reda Kahsay distinguished himself as an avid learner. While he joined neighbourhood games and classroom lessons like any other child, his older brother recalls him disappearing into the pages of his favourite books for hours. 

Upon reaching secondary school, Getachew didn’t stop at the prescribed curriculum. He delved into the classic texts of English literature and the expansive works of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and other towering intellectuals—sometimes tackling multi-volume sets that spanned years of scholarship. 

Friends and family still find Getachew encircled by towering stacks of books. His reading list ranges from philosophy and politics to economics and global history, often extending well beyond his immediate field. As his younger brother, Dr Molla Reda, recounts, there was the night Getachew became so absorbed in a text that he read straight through until dawn. 

In 1993, Getachew Reda enrolled at the School of Law at Addis Ababa University, where he earned his first law degree. After graduating, he returned to Tigray and joined the Business College in Mekelle, where he began his academic career as a lecturer. Eager to deepen his legal expertise, Getachew later travelled to the United States, enrolling at the University of Alabama to pursue a master’s degree in law. His time abroad would further shape his legal thinking and broaden his engagement with international legal and political discourse. 

Muluwerk Kidane Mariam, a close friend of Getachew Reda during their time at Mekelle University, vividly recalls their first encounter at the Business College café. Getachew, then a fresh graduate and newly appointed lecturer, was seated alone, deeply engrossed in a book by Albert Camus. Curious—and somewhat sceptical—Muluwerk approached and asked, half-teasing, “Do you understand what you’re reading?” 

At university, Getachew Reda’s lectures drew such acclaim that students from unrelated departments would often sit in, eager to hear him speak. 

Without missing a beat, Getachew replied calmly that he did, listing several other works by Camus he had already read. Muluwerk admits he felt a twinge of embarrassment for having underestimated him. That brief exchange sparked a friendship rooted in mutual respect and a shared love of literature and ideas—one that would continue to thrive whenever they met. 

At university, Getachew Reda’s lectures drew such acclaim that students from unrelated departments would often sit in, eager to hear him speak. His reputation as a compelling and thought-provoking lecturer quickly spread across campus. However, his lack of discipline and absence from key events—including examinations—was blamed on excessive drinking and ultimately led to his expulsion from the university. “He speaks his mind,” Muluwerk said. “He doesn’t shy away from criticism and has an exceptional memory.” 

The two were at the college during the Badme border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Like many of their peers, both supported the Ethiopian government’s position. But Muluwerk vividly remembers a conversation that left a lasting impression. “Getachew told me, ‘If you’re like the Shabia [EPLF] government, you can get away with anything—you ignite a war, commit atrocities, and no one holds you accountable.’” Muluwerk underscored the point by invoking a line from Paulo Freire: “To be like is to be right, and to be right is to be like the oppressor.” He still holds similar views. 

Getachew Reda’s ascent within the TPLF and the broader EPRDF political establishment was nothing short of meteoric—matched only by the swiftness of his later fall from favour. He did not pass through the rigorous processes of criticism and self-criticism. Unlike many senior TPLF figures, Getachew did not participate in the armed struggle that brought the party to power in 1991. Instead, his entry into politics came through academia. 

In a recent interview with Ethiopia’s state-affiliated Fana TV, Getachew recalled that he became involved in organised politics while teaching at Mekelle University, at a time when many intellectual currents on campus aligned with the dominant party’s worldview. 

 Upon signing the TPLF membership form, he bypassed the usual grassroots process and was welcomed directly into the party’s upper leadership. He underwent senior-level political training and, within a year, was elected to the TPLF Central Committee. 

Getachew Reda’s entry into government service began modestly around 2007, when he was hired part-time to edit the foreign ministry’s internal bulletin, Horn Week, a weekly publication overseen by senior diplomat Dr Tekeda Alemu. At the time, Getachew was not yet a member of the EPRDF’s Primary Organisation within the ministry—an internal party structure typically required for career advancement. 

Despite this, his rise was swift and unconventional. Upon signing the TPLF membership form, he bypassed the usual grassroots process and was welcomed directly into the party’s upper leadership. He underwent senior-level political training and, within a year, was elected to the TPLF Central Committee. Less than 18 months later, he was elevated to the Politburo—an ascent that drew quiet resentment from some in the party’s old guard. Former TPLF members Mimi Sibahtu and her husband, Teshome Zerihun—now an adviser to Redwan Hussein—have claimed in private conversations that they were the ones who nominated Getachew for party membership. 

His political trajectory accelerated further under Hailemariam Desalegn, who initially brought him on as an adviser during his tenure as foreign minister. Following the death of Meles Zenawi, the late former prime minister in 2012, Desalegn, now at the helm, appointed Getachew as a communications adviser in the prime minister's office. He was later named Minister of Government Communications Affairs, succeeding Bereket Simon—a post he held until November 2016. 

 Within the TPLF, he emerged as one of its leading strategists and served as the party’s chief spokesperson during the Tigray War from 2020 to 2024. 

As minister, Getachew became the government's chief spokesperson during a period of rapid economic growth, which was shadowed by intensifying public unrest—particularly among the Amhara and Oromo communities. Known for his sharp rhetoric and command of the media, he gained a dual reputation as both a skilled communicator and an unapologetic defender of the ruling coalition’s hardline responses to protest movements. Despite his prominence, Getachew remained a controversial figure within political circles. 

After stepping down in 2016, Getachew returned to Tigray, assuming a senior advisory role to regional president Debretsion Gebremichael. Within the TPLF, he emerged as one of its leading strategists and served as the party’s chief spokesperson during the Tigray War from 2020 to 2024. He was adept at exposing supporters of the Abiy regime who vented their anger at the TPLF. Known for his fluency in Tigrinya, Amharic, and English, Getachew challenged anti-Tigray narratives with precision, poise, and strategic clarity. 

The Pretoria Agreement changed all that. Getachew found himself negotiating on behalf of the TPLF with Abiy’s government, where—in talks with Redwan Hussein—he struck a deal that ended the war. By March 2023, Getachew was appointed by the Ethiopian government as the interim leader in Mekelle. Although he was meant to be the person the TPLF placed in that position, his loyalties effectively shifted. He became closer to Addis Ababa than to his former comrades in the TPLF. This eventually turned into open confrontation with  

In a striking and controversial interview, Getachew Reda pulled back the curtain on the inner workings of the TPLF during the fraught final stages of the war and the subsequent peace negotiations with Ethiopia’s federal government. Breaking from the party’s usual silence on internal affairs, Getachew levelled serious accusations against what he described as a “criminal network” operating within the TPLF’s upper ranks, implicating several senior leaders and military generals. 

According to Getachew, the network has allegedly been engaged in “a range of illicit activities, including money laundering, human trafficking—particularly targeting Eritrean youth from wealthy families—and gold smuggling.” He named two high-ranking generals, though their identities were not officially confirmed. His revelations have sent shockwaves through political and military circles in Tigray and Ethiopia. 

The Peace and Security Office of the Tigray Interim Administration, now led by General Tadesse Werede, responded by accusing Getachew of leaking a classified 69-page report substantiating many of his claims. The document reportedly outlines the involvement of individuals ranging from army generals to local district administrators. It includes the names and residence towns and villages of those allegedly tied to corrupt or criminal activities. The Tigray Interim Administration has strongly condemned Ato Getachew Reda, accusing him of destabilising the region by leaking a sensitive document. In a harsh statement, they claimed his remarks on Fana Television were vindictive and aimed at tarnishing the Tigrayan people’s legacy. 

The document lends credibility to his explosive allegations, further intensifying the scrutiny surrounding internal fractures within the TPLF. It remains unclear who leaked the document, and no one has come forward to dispute its authenticity. 

The leaked document, seen by Geeska, implicates a former Police Commissioner of Tigray, several generals, other regional police commissioners, and officials from the security services, military intelligence, and counter-intelligence units, as well as some hotel and business owners. Most of the victims were Eritrean refugees who were abducted, held in hotels for extortion, and later issued with Tigrayan ID cards to enable them to travel to Addis Ababa. Some were reportedly brought in directly from Eritrea. 

The new administration, led by General Tadesse Werede, accused Getachew Reda of bypassing due process, endangering investigators, and using media appearances to deflect from his own failures while attempting to rehabilitate his image through propaganda. 

In response, Getachew posted that he had no expectation that action would be taken against those implicated. Therefore, he passed the documents to higher authorities—likely referring to the prime minister’s office. The document lends credibility to his explosive allegations, further intensifying the scrutiny surrounding internal fractures within the TPLF. It remains unclear who leaked the document, and no one has come forward to dispute its authenticity. The fallout from his disclosures continues to reverberate, underlining the deep tensions and unresolved issues confronting Tigray’s political transition. 

In the interview, he also revealed that “some within the TPLF leadership were opposed to a peaceful resolution and even went so far as to leak the secret negotiations that were to be held in Djibouti and Seychelles”—talks in which Getachew himself and General Tsadkan Gebretensae represented the TPLF. The disclosure, he said, infuriated US envoy Mike Hammer and senior officials in the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), who were taken by surprise. 

According to a source close to the TPLF leadership, General Tsadkan—currently aligned with Getachew—had tentatively agreed during the Seychelles discussions to coordinate military efforts with the ENDF against Eritrea, a controversial proposal reportedly endorsed by the federal delegation. The TPLF leadership, however, rejected the idea outright, viewing it as a betrayal of their core principles and strategic autonomy. 

Getachew also spoke candidly about the intense pressure surrounding the Pretoria Agreement. He claimed: “Debretsion Gebremichael, president of the Tigray regional government, urged the negotiating team to sign the deal swiftly, warning that failure to do so could force the TPLF leadership to return to the battlefield under increasingly desperate conditions.” 

Insiders say Debretsion was kept in the dark about many of the deal’s finer details, which only deepened tensions within the leadership. Upon the negotiators’ return to Mekelle, the agreement remained unofficially acknowledged for weeks, even as its text circulated online. 

“It was the best deal we could get,” Getachew added, explaining that the Ethiopian government’s demand for unconditional surrender left the TPLF with little room to manoeuvre. He lamented that signing the agreement earlier might have saved countless lives. 

Insiders say Debretsion was kept in the dark about many of the deal’s finer details, which only deepened tensions within the leadership. Upon the negotiators’ return to Mekelle, the agreement remained unofficially acknowledged for weeks, even as its text circulated online. This delay was fuelled by internal divisions between those who supported the deal and those who viewed it as a capitulation. 

The fragile calm that followed allowed for a period of collective reckoning within the TPLF leadership. Questions began to surface: What went wrong? Who was responsible for the disastrous turn of events? And what would the transition look like moving forward? There was even speculation about whether this marked both the beginning and the end of the TPLF. 

Disagreements began to emerge within the leadership, dividing those who supported the deal from those who opposed it. The cessation of hostilities created space for intense and collective soul-searching. What went wrong? 

After months of closed-door leadership meetings, Getachew resurfaced to offer a blunt assessment: the prolonged internal debates, he argued, had little to do with the Tigrayan people. “It was about a power struggle,” he said, framing the impasse not as a policy disagreement but as a struggle for control within the party’s upper echelons. 

Interim presidency   

On 23 March 2023, as part of the peace agreement brokered by the African Union, Abiy Ahmed appointed Getachew Reda as chief administrator of the interim regional administration of Tigray, succeeding Debretsion Gebremichael. In this role, he faced dire humanitarian challenges: by early 2024, international observers warned that over 90 per cent of Tigray’s six million inhabitants were at risk of starvation without the prompt delivery of aid. 

Getachew directed efforts to re-establish health clinics, reopen roads for aid convoys, and negotiate with federal and international partners to unfreeze assets and restore telecom services. His announcements often combined technical administrative updates with emotive appeals, underscoring the scale of the crisis. He has often been blamed for not doing enough. He said: “Unfortunately, much time has been wasted on infighting within the TPLF leadership.” 

From the start of his presidency, he admitted: “I knew collaboration would be tough, if not impossible. As an outlier among the five party leaders, I wasn’t part of the armed struggle tradition. I hoped my colleagues would accept that the TPLF could no longer monopolise power.” 

Rifts with the TPLF  

Despite his prominent role in the peace process, escalating tensions within the TPLF leadership culminated in a dramatic internal power struggle in early 2025. In March, Getachew Reda’s attempt to reassert civilian authority over former military commanders triggered a coup, led by army officials loyal to TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael. The military briefly removed Getachew from power, forcing him and his close allies to flee Tigray, reportedly “fearing for their lives.” 

At the heart of the rupture were sharp disagreements over key post-war issues: the pace and scope of demobilisation, the involvement of external actors—particularly Eritrean forces—and fundamentally different visions for Tigray’s political trajectory. These divisions laid bare the deep ideological and strategic fissures within a movement long seen as unified by its liberation legacy. 

The recent revocation of the TPLF’s legal status by the Ethiopian National Election Board further complicates the picture. Debretsion’s faction—widely perceived as forging ties with Eritrea—is now left in a precarious position, while the faction aligned with Getachew, which enjoys closer relations with the federal government, is moving to establish a new political party in Tigray called the Tigray Liberal Democratic party. This development is likely to intensify tensions within Tigray and between Ethiopia and Eritrea, raising the spectre of renewed instability across the Horn of Africa. 

Serious questions remain. Will Getachew's new party gain popular legitimacy? Can Ethiopia resist Eritrea’s growing influence in Tigray? Is this the TPLF’s final transformation—or its disintegration? And will the hardline, 50-year-old TPLF, represented by Debretsion’s faction, ever reform? 

Conclusion  

Getachew Reda’s political arc is emblematic of a generation caught between liberation-era legacies and the demands of post-conflict governance. Neither a former guerrilla commander nor a populist firebrand, he has positioned himself as a technocratic reformer navigating a minefield of entrenched military influence, public trauma, and geopolitical tension. His tenure at the helm of Tigray’s Interim Administration may have been brief, but it laid bare the deeper battles within Tigray’s political soul: between war and peace, secrecy and transparency, past loyalties and future realignments. 

He poses a threat to the old guard of the TPLF as he rallies Tigrayan youth and intellectuals, exposing the organisation’s inner workings in the process. 

The implications stretch beyond party politics. As the TPLF fractures and a new political force attempts to shape Mekelle, the outcome of Tigray’s internal reckoning may influence Ethiopia’s federal experiment, Eritrea’s regional calculus, and the Horn’s broader stability. Whether Getachew Reda remains a transitional or transformative figure will depend on his ability to outmanoeuvre his rivals—and on whether his vision can resonate with a war-weary people longing for accountability, dignity, and peace.