The International community & the African Union in Somalia: A betrayal

The International community (IC) and African Union (AU) have spent a fortune and tremendous military resources in Somalia since 2006 to fight Al Shabaab. But their strategy has failed because it betrayed the interest of the Somali people.

The making of the catastrophe

Somalia’s civil war led to state collapse in 1991 and consequently death and despair became the norm. Alarmed by the calamity, a small UN military contingent intervened to ensure that food reached the victims. But cruel warlords thwarted the mission and subsequently precipitated famine. Thereafter, President Bush sent a huge American force to guarantee that supplies reached the destitute. This intervention had the desired effect, but it failed to dislodge the warlords.

American forces withdrew after a deadly engagement with a warlord which left Somalis at the mercy of warlords. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of the AU, was absent from the scene for the 1990s, except for an occasional statement.

Despite the claims of moral authority, the IC’s and the AU’s duplicity took three forms. First, the IC and AU reinforce the tribal political ideology that wrecked the old republic. Second, the IC subverted the lone Somali initiative to reconstitute their country on their own terms. Third, contrary to the notion of “African solution for African problems,” the AU has become a trojan horse for the West as it reinforces an agenda that impedes Somalia’s recovery.

Ossifying a sectarian Ideology

An enduring colonial crime in Africa was the transformation of traditional cultural markers into political identities. This act fundamentally politicized culture and altered the community’s relations to the (colonial) state. Imperialist regimes divided Africans into two groups: their native allies were “friendlies” while the resisters were dubbed as terrorists. Although such politicized cultural divisions had little to do with the old customs, nevertheless dominant Western scholars adopted this worldview and produced scholarship that reproduced this way of understanding African politics. This framework guides Western involvement in Somalia.

Two groups dominated Somali politics during and after liberation. One faction aspired to undo the divisive legacy of colonialism while their opponents adopted colonial-like strategies. The latter team won the race for power a few years after independence and segregated Somalis into exclusive tribal political camps. Ultimately, their project destroyed the state and fragmented the country into sectarian fiefdom.

Rather than appreciating that politicized cultural identity destroyed the country, the UN, EU, and USA accepted that ideology as the framework for rebuilding Somalia. Consequently, the IC stance legitimated the sectarians and condemned Somalis to a system that segregates them into mutually exclusive groups.

The IC’s support for political tribalism became clear during the last Somali reconciliation conference in Kenya in 2003/4. This conference produced a tribal based government that was the antithesis of communal reconciliation and solidarity. Such a government evokes mistrust among Somalis who are desperate to reconstitute their nation.

Subverting the Somali Initiative

The government established in Nairobi remained isolated in the town of Baidoa as warlords controlled Mogadishu. Meanwhile, a group of religious leaders mobilized Mogadishu’s denizens and challenged the warlords. This movement, known as the Union of Islamic Courts (UICs), defeated the warlords in 2006.

Somalis around the world celebrated Mogadishu’s liberation. Conversely, Ethiopia declared that the UICs were terrorists and the US and Europe immediately endorsed this claim. Meanwhile, the AU stayed on the sidelines.

Ethiopia massively reinforced its forces in Baidoa and on December 25, 2006, captured Mogadishu. Ethiopia’s indiscriminate bombardment of the city destroyed the civilian infrastructure, displaced over a million people, while thousands perished. Meanwhile, the UICs forces adopted guerrilla war strategy.

Ethiopian losses quickly mounted in 2007 and the occupation became untenable. Consequently, America engineered a new strategy. First, the USA and EU provided funding for an AU force (AMISOM) to replace the Ethiopians. Second, under the cover of UN, the US promised Somalia’s presidency to the UICs’ leader and ‘cajoled’ the reigning president to resign. Immediately thereafter, the UN organized an ‘election’ in Djibouti in 2008 which the former UICs leader ‘won’ the presidency.

The effect of this last development was the disintegration of UICs. Those fighting in the frontlines felt betrayed, regrouped, and became Al-Shabaab, a force that continues to torment the country. Thus, the IC and AU wrecked the prospect of the first major Somali movement to rescue their country.

The AU as a Trojan Horse

Twenty years ago, the IC and the AU endorsed an agenda that condemned Somalis to a political and a security cull de sac. This agenda had two components: to support a fledgling tribal-based federal government and deploy African troops in order to liberate Somalia from Al-Shabaab.

AMISOM troops originally came from Uganda and Burundi but were later joined by Ethiopians, Kenyans, and Djiboutians. Ugandan and Burundian troops faced the greatest challenge as they had to fight a deadly urban warfare. Ultimately, they liberated Mogadishu and several towns, however, Al-Shabaab controls most of the countryside. Thus, twenty years after the UICs was driven out of Mogadishu, Somalia still depends on the AU force.

It appears that the AU is not in a hurry to terminate the operation as long as American and EU funds are available. This inertia is bolstered by the corrupt Somali government’s dependency on AMISOM for its core security operations. Such confluence of interests and Al Shabaab’s omnipresence ensures that the limbo endures.

Time of Reckoning

Somalia will not recover from this calamity unless three changes are adopted. First, the IC stops supporting the tribal political agenda and endorses the development of communal civic bonds. Second, the IC/AU prioritizes work with inclusive Somali political initiatives. Third, the IC/AU set a firm deadline of five years for the withdrawal of AU troops. Meanwhile, a new professional national army is established since the current one is irretrievably corrupt and politicized. Given the predilection of IC and AU, it is highly unlikely they would change course and consequently the rot will endure.