East Africa, protests and crackdowns

On 15 July, the European Union parliament discussed the human rights situation in sub-Saharan Africa, including Tanzania and Kenya. In his statement, legislator David James McAllister, a German politician, noted that aside from poverty, a more corrosive threat is emerging: “A systematic breakdown of democratic institutions and values.” 

Although this might be seen as interference in the internal affairs of East African nations, including Uganda, it is, unfortunately, the truth. This systematic breakdown is one of the underlying reasons for the protests and the growing desire for a change in these countries.  

In Uganda, approximately 10 million youth, out of a population of 48.66 million, are between the ages of 18 and 30 and are eligible to vote. According to the 2022 Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics, more than one-third of Tanzania's 66.62 million people are youth aged 15–35. This demographic presents both a vast resource and a significant challenge for the country’s development. In Kenya, out of a population of 55.34 million, millennials account for over 12 million, while Generation Z, or Gen Z, accounts for over 18 million. 

Millions of young people in these three East African countries face similar challenges, including unemployment, high costs of essential goods and services, limited access to financial services, poverty, and poor-quality public health and education. These challenges have led young people to express dissent in ways that are often perceived by the “elders” as disrespectful and ungrateful. Some leaders have attempted to assuage these concerns. Bobby Wine, a Ugandan musician and opposition leader recently said on the SMWX podcast: “I wish they [the elder generation] would realise that our presence is a guarantee of the continuation of us as a people.” 

In recent months, young people in Kenya have been described as “exemplary protesters” by their peers in Uganda and elsewhere. Their determination, organisation, and overpowering resilience—particularly against President William Ruto, both online and in their confrontations with the police—have stood out. They have been seen standing atop army tankers, seemingly revelling in the heavy spray of tear gas—leaving Ugandan youth watching on with envy. 

Youth in Uganda know that the actions they witness in Kenya are, for now, merely things they can, well—wish for. 

Like their counterparts, especially in Kenya, Ugandan youth yearn deeply for change but have seemingly resigned themselves to the belief that such change may not be achieved through elections, so long as the current regime remains in power. Yoweri Museveni has also said he’ll run again, extending his four-decade period in charge of the country. 

In small talk with a 34-year-old Ugandan as we queued to renew and register for the national identification card, we discussed the ongoing protests in Kenya and previous attempts by youth in Uganda to take to the streets in protest. The young man was quick to conclude that youth in East Africa should not place hope in elections. Comparing all three countries, he likened the Kenyan Gen Z protests to “putting a wet cloth on a baby with a high fever. It won’t address the problem.” 

The young man—whose main goal in acquiring the national identity card was so he could leave the country in search of greener pastures—stressed: “For as long as the leaders are not interested in accepting change, the protests will be in vain.” 

The Gen Z protests in Kenya began in May 2024 after Kenya’s parliament proposed a Finance Bill to address a budget shortfall—an initiative that was not well received by young people. Several protests ensued, during which reports of killings and kidnappings emerged. The most recent protests in June saw 10 young people reported shot dead by security forces. 

East African presidents, including octogenarian Yoweri Museveni and Tanzania’s Samia Suluhu Hassan, have been on high alert for any copycat protests in their respective countries. Uganda’s security apparatus responded by blocking roads leading to parliament, deploying heavy military machinery, ordinary and anti-terrorism police officers, and overt operatives wielding sticks, which they used to beat anyone who dared protest. Museveni warned protesters they were “playing with fire.” Youth carrying placards were arrested, swiftly brought to court, and remanded to prison on charges of being idle and disorderly and a public nuisance. 

Contrary to what many outside Tanzania believe, Suluhu has continued the legacy of her predecessors—particularly the hardline stance of the country’s first president, the late Julius Nyerere. 

Suluhu is quoted as attributing the protests to rising food insecurity. The Chanzo, an online magazine, reports her saying: “When there’s no food here [in Tanzania], Gen Z will not stay calm; it will take to the streets.” She added that the best way to resolve the crisis is for the government to balance the needs of businesspeople with those of the general population. Upon coming to power, Suluhu was praised for her four R’s: reconciliation, resilience, reforms, and rebuild. 

Contrary to what many outside Tanzania believe, Suluhu has continued the legacy of her predecessors—particularly the hardline stance of the country’s first president, the late Julius Nyerere. Opposed to any form of protest, she has described such actions as invasions and interference by foreign activists. This attitude is evidenced in the continued detention of opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who also survived an assassination attempt under the late President John Pombe Magufuli. 

A 2022 Afrobarometer survey in Tanzania showed that youth are less likely than their elders to participate in political and civic activities, including voting. This frustration was echoed by former CHADEMA national chairperson Freeman Mbowe, who in 2024 tried to mobilise youth to take an active role in shaping their country’s future following the outbreak of the Kenyan Gen Z protests. 

This numbness, unfortunately, has an explanation. Suluhu’s government has exhibited brutal violence that sends a chilling effect across the youth population. 

At a rally in Kilimanjaro, Mbowe expressed admiration for the Kenyan youth, saying: “Look at the Kenyans. Youth are angry at their government to the point where they said, ‘enough is enough.’ I pray for the same to happen in Tanzania.” According to Mbowe, although Tanzanian youth face numerous challenges, they have become so accustomed and numb to them that they no longer react. 

This numbness, unfortunately, has an explanation. Suluhu’s government has exhibited brutal violence that sends a chilling effect across the youth population. One activist who suffered horrific and vicious torture at the hands of her agents described the experience: “It inflicts maximum pain intentionally meant to dehumanise you. Once you are sexually assaulted—which is their first move—what else is left?” she asked. 

Tanzania is also known to use the ancient torture method of falanga, which involves beating the soles of the feet, causing chronic pain and making it difficult to walk. 

In what she described as a systematic torture regime rooted in past administrations, the same activist recounted one of her tormentors telling her: “I will teach you a lesson, and you will write a beautiful headline about me.” 

When President Museveni came to power in 1986, he demonstrated a willingness to listen to the people. For a time, Uganda was considered the most egalitarian East African state since independence, especially in comparison with Kenya and Tanzania. However, this began to change slowly in the early 2000s as Museveni started to crack down on dissent. Ugandan youth now know that any protests will likely be quashed before daybreak, with suspected leaders either arrested or placed under house arrest—accompanied by a heavy deployment of armed forces in the streets. 

As a result, young Ugandans have resorted to comedy, online discourse, and music to express their dissent. The lyrics of a Ugandan song titled In the Bar by Tojo 256 and Sean Official capture this struggle: “My rent is pending, my stomach is debating, the economy is tight, why am I sober?” sing the two young musicians. 

Nyerere once described Kenya as a “man-eat-man society”, to which Kenyatta retorted—annoying Nyerere—that Tanzania was a “man-eat-nothing society.” 

So, what explains the bravery of Kenyan Gen Z youth, one might ask? Deprivation has a historical context in Kenya. During the Cold War, Kenya under Jomo Kenyatta and Tanzania under Julius Nyerere often traded barbs. Nyerere once described Kenya as a “man-eat-man society”, to which Kenyatta retorted—annoying Nyerere—that Tanzania was a “man-eat-nothing society.” 

Colonial powers developed Kenya through exclusion, and after independence, the new African leaders inherited and continued that practice—becoming, in effect, the new whites. 

An infamous joke about poor Kenyans tells of how many used the tins of the then-popular cooking oil brand Kimbo as saucepans. The irony being: while the poor used the tins to cook, they could rarely afford the oil itself. As such, Kenyan youth have long understood that someone is always taking more than they deserve, which may explain their heightened political awareness. 

As Kenyan youth continue voicing their dissatisfaction with Ruto’s leadership, signs suggest they may have found someone they can trust—ironically, not a Gen Z. An Instagram video by Kenyan chef Dennis Ombachi, popularly known as @the_roamingchef, captured this sentiment. While preparing a peri-peri chicken sauce with ugali—a maize flour staple—he was joined by Kenya’s former chief justice David Maraga. 

Maraga is described as a man who, even in cooking simple dishes like ugali, exhibits discipline, patience, and a quiet commitment to doing things right. He upheld the constitution when it mattered most, and many now hope he will step forward once more in 2027. Perhaps, as Kenyans increasingly believe, “the leader we’ve always needed is the one who follows the rule of law.” 

Ombachi’s video ends with a powerful line: it wasn’t just the heat they felt. “It was a fire for change and justice—because as we speak today, our flag wraps more coffins than celebrations—not from foreign wars, but bullets fired at home.”